
Two lawsuits challenging the memo were immediately filed — one by Democracy Forward and various other nonprofit organizations in Washington, D.C., and another by several attorneys general in Rhode Island. As of this writing, both courts have issued a temporary restraining order blocking the memo’s implementation while the cases are being heard. In the meantime, the memo has been rescinded by the OMB.
This series of events and legal actions elevated a question that legal scholars and political analysts have been considering since the previous Trump Administration — that is, whether the president can decline to spend funds appropriated by Congress to advance his policy preferences and objectives. The executive orders issued by the Administration include several instances of language that suggested funds would be withheld by the executive branch. For example, the executive order titled “Protecting the American People Against Invasion” threatened to end some federal funding for “sanctuary jurisdictions.” But the memo went a step farther and created instances where funds were actually withheld from certain entities, heightening the importance of a clear answer to this question.
A clear answer to that question is one that will have to come from a court, likely the U.S. Supreme Court. But the constitutional, legal and political history of the United States may offer some insight on the arguments that will be made and how questions related to the specifics of federal funding may be answered to conclude the issues raised by the memo. That conclusion may also provide some clarity about how the Trump Administration can or cannot execute the policy objectives it describes in its various executive orders.
Historically, presidents pushed the limits of what it means to faithfully execute appropriations laws and at times did spend less than — or impound funds — Congress allocated for a specific law. According to many legal experts and historians, existing examples of impoundment suggest a political understanding and cooperation between the two branches, more than a clear presidential authority to impound funds. President Nixon took the limits too far in his efforts to impound funds, and Congress responded by passing the Impoundment Control Act (ICA) in 1974.
Distinctly, recissions by the president must be proposed to Congress and are considered on an expediated timeline, during which spending continues. So, there is an ability for the president to try to pull back some of the funding that Congress has appropriated, but not without significant guardrails set by Congress. Those guardrails reinforce the constitutional roles and duties of Congress. As previously described, the ICA arguably did not create new limitations but instead reinforced the powers of Congress found in Article I and the duties of the president found in Article II.
Some individuals such as Russell Vought, the new head of the OMB, argue that the ICA is in fact unconstitutional, and the Constitution does allow the president to be more directly influential in how appropriated funds are spent. So far, two courts, including in a case brought by California’s Attorney General Rob Bonta and several other state attorneys general, have disagreed with that theory, but there will certainly be more consideration of the issue as the memo is further considered by courts and future actions suggested by the new Administration lead to additional legal battles.